Mexican Cival Rights Essay Example for Free

Mexican Cival Rights Essay George I. Sanchez, Ideology, and Whiteness in the Making of the Mexican American Civil Rights Movement, 1930-1960 By CARLOS K . BLANTON Let us keep in mind that the Mexican-American can easily become the front-line of defense of the civil liberties of ethnic minorities. The racial, cultural, and historical involvements in his case embrace those of all of the other minority groups. Yet, God bless the law, he is white! So, the Mexican-American can be the wedge for the broadening of civil liberties for others (who are not so fortunate as to be white and Christian!). George L Sanchez (1958) By embracing whiteness, Mexican Americans have reinforced the color line that has denied people of African descent full participation in American democracy. In pursuing White rights, Mexican Americans combined Latin American racialism with Anglo racism, and in the process separated themselves and their political agenda from the Black civil rights struggles of the forties and fifties. Neil Foley (1998) 1 HE HISTORY OF RACE AND CIVIL RIGHTS IN THE AMERICAN SoUTH IS complex and exciting. The history of Mexican American civil rights is also promising, particularly so in regard to understanding the role of whiteness. Both selections above, the first from a Mexican American The epigraphs are drawn from George I. Sanchez to Roger N. Baldwin, August 27, 1958, Folder 8, Box 31, George I. Sanchez Papers (Nettie Lee Benson Latin American Collection, University of Texas Libraries, Austin); and Neil Foley, Becoming Hispanic: Mexican Americans and the Faustian Pact with Whiteness, in Foley, ed.. Reflexiones 1997: New Directions In Mexican American Studies (Austin, 1998), 65. The author would like to thank the Journal of Southem Historys six anonymous reviewers and Texas AM Universitys Glasscock Center for Humanities Research for their very helpful intellectual guidance on this essay. MR. BLANTON is an assistant professor of history at Texas AM University. THE JOURNAL OF SOUTHERN HISTORY Volume LXXII, No. 3, August 2006 570 THE JOURNAL OF SOUTHERN HISTORY intellectual of the mid-twentieth century and the last a recently published statement from a historian of race and identity, are nominally about whiteness. But the historical actor and the historian discuss whiteness differently. The quotation from the 1950s advocates exploiting legal whiteness to obtain civil rights for both Mexican Americans and other minority groups. The one from the 1990s views such a strategy as inherently racist. The historical figure writes of Mexican Americans and African Americans cooperating in the pursuit of shared civil rights goals; the historian writes of the absence, the impossibility of cooperation due to Mexican American whiteness. This contrast is worth further consideration. This essay examines the Mexican American civil rights movement by focusing on the work and ideas of George I. Sanchez—a prominent activist and professor of education at the University of Texas—in the 1930s, 1940s, and 1950s. Sanchez is the most significant intellectual of what is commonly referred to as the Mexican American Generation of activists during this period. As a national president of the major Mexican American civil rights organization of the era, however, Sanchezs political influence within the Mexican American community was just as important as his intellectual leadership. Sanchez pondered notions of whiteness and actively employed them, offering an excellent case study of the making of Mexican American civil rights. ^ First, this work examines how Sanchezs civil rights efforts were vitally informed by an ideological perspective that supported gradual, integrationist, liberal reform, a stance that grew out of his activist research on African Americans in the South, Mexican Americans in the Southwest, and Latin Americans in Mexico and Venezuela. This New Deal ideological inheritance shaped Sanchezs contention that Mexican Americans were one minority group among many needing governmental assistance. Second, this liberal ideology gave rise to a nettlesome citizenship dilemma. During the Great Depression and World War II, Mexican Americans strategic emphasis on American citizenship rhetorically placed them shoulder-to-shoulder with other U. S. minority groups. It also marginalized immigrant Mexicans. The significance of ^ For more on Sanehez see Gladys R. Leff, George I. Sanchez: Don Quixote of the Southwest (Ph. D. dissertation. North Texas State University, 1976); James Nelson Mowry, A Study of the Educational Thought and Aetion of George I. Sanehez (Ph. D. dissertation. University of Texas, 1977); Amerieo Paredes, ed.. Humanidad: Essays in Honor of George 1. Sanchez (Los Angeles, 1977); Steven Sehlossman, Self-Evident Remedy? George I. Sanchez, Segregation, and Enduring Dilemmas in Bilingual Education, Teachers College Record, 84 (Summer 1983), 871-907; and Mario T. Garcia, Mexican Americans: Leadership, Ideology, and Identity, J930-1960 (New Haven, 1989), chap. 10. WHITENESS AND MEXICAN AMERICAN CIVIL RIGHTS 571 citizenship was controversial within the Mexican American community and coincided with the emergence of an aggressive phase of Mexican Americans civil rights litigation that implemented a legal strategy based on their whiteness. Third, Sanchezs correspondence with Thurgood Marshall of the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP) in the 1940s and 1950s reveals early, fragmentary connections between the Mexican American and African American civil rights movements. All these topics address important interpretive debates about the role of whiteness. This essay fuses two historiographical streams: traditional studies on Mexican American politics and identity and the new whiteness scholarships interpretation of Mexican American civil rights. In traditional works the Mexican American civil rights experience is often examined with little sustained comparison to other civil rights experiences. Conversely, the whiteness scholarship represents a serious attempt at comparative civil rights history. Taking both approaches into account answers the recent call of one scholar for historians to muster even greater historical imagination in conceiving of new histories of civil rights from different perspectives. ^ Traditional research on Mexican Americans in the twentieth century centers on generational lines. From the late nineteenth century to the Great Depression, a large wave of Mexican immigrants, spurred by dislocation in Mexico as well as by economic opportunity in the U. S. , provided low-wage agricultural and industrial labor throughout the Southwest. Their political identity was as Mexicans living abroad, the Mexicanist Generation. They generally paid little heed to American politics and eschewed cultural assimilation, as had earlier Mexicans who forcibly became American citizens as a result of the expansionist wars of the 1830s and 1840s. However, mass violence shortly before World War I, intensifying racial discrimination throughout the early twentieth century, and forced repatriations to Mexico during the Great Depression heralded the rise of a new political ethos. The community had come to believe that its members were endangered by the presumption of foreignness and disloyalty. ^ By the late 1920s younger Charles W. Eagles, Toward New Histories of the Civil Rights Era, Journal of Southern History, 66 (November 2000), 848. See Emilio Zamora, The World of the Mexican Worker in Texas (College Station, Tex., * 1993); George J. Sanchez, Becoming Mexican American: Ethnicity, Culture, and Identity in Chicano Los Angeles, 1900-1945 (New York, 1993); Benjamin Heber Johnson, Revolution in Texas: How a Forgotten Rebellion and Its Bloody Suppression Turned Mexicans into Americans (New Haven, 2003); and Amoldo De Leon, The Tejano Community, 1836-1900 (1982; new ed. , Dallas, 1997). 572 THE JOURNAL OF SOUTHERN HISTORY leaders—the Mexican American Generation—urged adoption of a new strategy of emphasizing American citizenship at all times. They strove to speak English in public and in private settings, stressed education, asked for the gradual reform of discriminatory practices, emulated middle-class life, and exuded patriotism as a loyal, progressive ethnic group. They also desired recognition as ethnic whites, not as racial others. The oldest organization expressing this identity was the League of United Latin American Citizens (LULAC). This ethos of hyphenated Americanism and gradual reform held sway until the late 1960s and early 1970s. ^ Studies of whiteness contribute to historians understanding of the interplay of race, ethnicity, and class by going beyond a black-white binary to seek the subtleties and nuances of race. This new scholarship examines who is considered white and why, traces how the definition of white shifts, unearths how whiteness conditions acts of inclusion and exclusion and how it reinforces and subverts concepts of race, and investigates the psychological and material rewards to be gained by groups that successfully claim whiteness. Class tension, nativism, and racism are connected to a larger whiteness discourse. In other words, this is a new, imaginative way to more broadly interrogate the category of race. Works on whiteness often share a conviction that thoughts or acts capitalizing on whiteness reflect racist power as well as contribute to that insidious powers making. They also generally maintain that notions of race, whether consciously employed or not, divide ethnic and racial minorities from each other and from workingclass whites, groups that would otherwise share class status and political goals. ^ In recent reviews of the state of whiteness history, Eric Amesen, See Mario Garcia, Mexican Americans; George J. Sanchez, Becoming Mexican American; David G. Gutierrez, Walls and Mirrors: Mexican Americans, Mexican Immigrants, and the Politics of Ethnicity (Berkeley, 1995); Ignacio M. Garcia, Viva Kennedy: Mexican Americans in Search of Camelot (College Station, Tex. , 2000); Carl Allsup, The American G. I. Forum: Origins and Evolution (Austin, 1982); Richard A. Garcia, Rise of the Mexican American Middle Class: San Antonio, 1929—1941 (College Station, Tex. , 1991); David Montejano, Anglos and Mexicans in the Making of Texas, 1836-1986 (Austin, 1987), chaps. 12 and 13; Julie Leininger Pyeior, LBJ and Mexican Americans: The Paradox of Power (Austin, 1997); Juan Gomez-Quinones, Chicano Politics: Reality and Promise, 1940-1990 (Albuquerque, 1990); and Guadalupe San Miguel Jr. , Brown, Not White: School Integration and the Chicano Movement in Houston (College Station, Tex. , 2001). ^ David R. Roediger, The Wages of Whiteness: Race and the Making of the American Working Class (1991; rev. ed.. New York, 1999); Roediger, Towards the Abolition of Whiteness: Essays on Race, Politics, and Working Class History (New York, 1994); Matthew Frye Jacobson, Whiteness of a Different Color: European Immigrants and the Alchemy of Race (Cambridge, Mass. , 1998); George Lipsitz, The Possessive Investment in Whiteness: How White People Profit From Identity Politics (Philadelphia, 1998). WHITENESS AND MEXICAN AMERICAN CIVIL RIGHTS. 573 Barbara J. Fields, Peter Kolchin, and Daniel Wickberg offer much criticism. These historians argue that scholars using whiteness as an analytical tool are shoddy in their definitions, read too finely and semantically into documents and literary texts, and privilege discursive moments that have little or nothing to do with actual people or experiences. More specifically, Kolchin and Amesen argue that many studies of whiteness incautiously caricature race as an unchanging, omnipresent, and overly deterministic category. In such works whiteness is portrayed as acting concretely and abstractly with or without historical actors and events. Ironically, studies of whiteness can obscure the exercise of power. Fields explains that studying race and racial identity is more attractive than studying racism because racism exposes the hoUowness of agency and identity . . . [and] it violates the two-sides-to-every-story expectation of symmetry that Americans are peculiarly attached to. ^ Research that applies the idea of whiteness to Mexican American history is sparse and even more recent. Several of these studies focus upon the use of whiteness as a legal strategy while others take a broader approach. ^ Historian Neil Foley offers the most significant and ambitious arguments by moving beyond an analysis of how white people viewed Mexican Americans to look instead at the construction of whiteness in the Mexican American mind. He shifts the perspective from external whiteness to internal whiteness and argues that Mexican Americans entered into a Faustian Pact by embracing racism toward African Americans in the course of trying to avoid de jure discrimination. Foley claims that Mexican Americans consciously curried the favor of racist whites: In pursuing White rights, Mexican Americans Peter Kolchin, Whiteness Studies: The New History of Race in America, Journal of American History, 89 (June 2002), 154-73; Eric Arnesen, Whiteness and the Historians Imagination, International Labor and Working-Class History, 60 (Fall 2001), 3-32; Barbara J. Fields, Whiteness, Racism, and Identity, International Labor and Working-Class History, 60 (Fall 2001), 48-56 (quotations on p.48); Daniel Wickberg, Heterosexual White Male; Some Recent Inversions in American Cultural History, Journal of American History, 92 (June 2005), 136-57. *Ian F. Haney Lopez, White By Law: The Legal Construction of Race (New York, 1996); Neil Foley, The White Scourge: Mexicans, Blacks, and Poor Whites in Texas Cotton Culture (Berkeley, 1997); Steven Harmon Wilson, The Rise of Judicial Management in the U. S. District Court, Southern District of Texas, 1955-2000 (Athens, Ga., 2002); Wilson, Brown over Other White; Mexican Americans Legal Arguments and Litigation Strategy in School Desegregation Lawsuits, Law and History Review, 21 (Spring 2003), 145-94; Clare Sheridan, Another White Race: Mexican Americans and the Paradox of Whiteness in Jury Selection, Law and History Review, 21 (Spring 2003), 109^14; Ariela J. Gross, Texas Mexicans and the Polities of Whiteness, Law and History Review, 21 (Spring 2003), 195-205; Carlos Kevin Blanton, The Strange Career of Bilingual Education in Texas, 1836-1981 (College Station, Tex., 2004); Patrick J. Carroll, Felix Longorias Wake: Bereavement, Racism, and the Rise of Mexican American Activism (Austin, 2003). 574 THE JOURNAL OF SOUTHERN HISTORY combined Latin American racialism with Anglo racism, and in the process separated themselves and their political agenda from the Black civil rights struggles of the forties and fifties. ^ Missing from such interpretations of whitenesss meaning to Mexican Americans is George I. Sanchezs making of Mexican American civil rights. Analyzing Sanchezs views is an excellent test of Foleys interpretation because Sanchezs use of the category of whiteness was sophisticated, deliberate, reflective, and connected to issues and events. An internationalist, multiculturalist, and integrationist ideology shaped by New Deal experiences in the American Southwest, the American South, and Latin America informed George L Sanchezs civil rights activism and scholarship. Sanchez regarded Mexican Americans as one of many American minority groups suffering racial, ethnic, and religious bigotry. Though Sanchez regarded Mexican Americans racial status as white, he also held that they were a minority group that experienced systematic and racialized oppression. Sanchezs articulation of whiteness was qualified by an anti-racist ideological worldview and supports Eric Amesens criticism of overreaching by whiteness scholars who appreciate neither ambiguity nor counter-discourses of race, the recognition of which would cast doubt on their bold claims. Â ° Sanchez was very much a New Deal service intellectual who utilized academic research in an attempt to progressively transform society. The term service intellectual is an appropriate description of Sanchez, who propagated his civil rights activism through academic research with governmental agencies (the Texas State Department of Education, the New Mexico State Department of Education, the U. S. Bureau of Indian Affairs, and the Office of the Coordinator of Inter-American Affairs) and national philanthropic organizations (the General Education Board, the Julius Rosenwald Eund, the Carnegie Foundation, and the Marshall Civil Liberties Trust). The pinnacle of Sanchezs scholarly contribution as a service intellectual was his evocative 1940 portrayal of rural New Mexican poverty and segregation in The Forgotten People: A Study of New Mexicans. Foley, Becoming Hispanic, 53-70 (quotation on p. 65); Foley, Partly Colored or Other White: Mexican Americans and Their Problem with the Color Line, in Stephanie Cole and Alison M. Parker, eds. , Beyond Black and White: Race, Ethnicity, and Gender in the U. S. South and Southwest (College Station, Tex. , 2004), 123-44. For an older whiteness study that discusses the external imposition of racial concepts on Mexican Americans and other groups, see Roediger, Towards the Abolition of Whiteness, chap. 10. Amesen, Whiteness and the Historians Imagination, 24. Richard S. Kirkendall, Social Scientists and Farm Politics in the Age of Roosevelt WHITENESS AND MEXICAN AMERICAN CIVIL RIGHTS 575 Sanchez particularly sought to transform society through the field of education. In the early 1930s he published blistering critiques of the shoddiness of IQ tests conducted on Mexican American children. Mexican Americans bad just challenged separate schools in Texas and California and were told by the courts that because they were technically white, racial segregation was illegal; however, the courts then claimed that pedagogical segregation based upon intellectual or linguistic deficiency was permissible. In challenging racist IQ science, Sanchez essentially advocated integration. ^ A decade of service intellectual work came together for Sanchez in Forgotten People. He called for a comprehensive federal and state program to uplift downtrodden Hispanic New Mexicans: Remedial measures will not solve the problem piecemeal. Poverty, illiteracy, and ill-health are merely symptoms. If education is to get at the root of the problem schools must go beyond subject-matter instruction. . . . The curriculum of the educational agencies becomes, then, the magna carta of social and economic rehabilitation; the teacher, the advance agent of a new social order. ^ Sanchez regarded Mexican Americans as similar to Japanese Americans, Jewish Americans, and African Americans. To Sanchez these were all minority groups that endured varying levels of discrimination by white, Anglo-Saxon, Protestant America. Sanchez was uninterested in divining a hierarchy of racial victimization; instead, he spent considerable energy on pondering ways for these groups to get the federal government, in New Deal fashion, to help alleviate their plight. Even in the mid-1960s when many Mexican Americans had come to favor a separate racial identity over an ethnic one, Sanchez still conceived of Mexican Americans as a cultural group, ignoring concepts of race altogether unless discussing racial discrimination. ^ Sanchez engaged the struggles of other minority groups and linked them to Mexican American activism. In 1948, for example, Sanchez (Columbia, Mo. , 1966), 1-6; George I. Sanchez, Forgotten People: A Study of New Mexicans (1940; reprint, Albuquerque, 1996), xvi-xvii. Befitting the service intellectual ideal of freely diffusing knowledge, the Carnegie Foundation gave the book away. Carnegie provided four thousand dollars for Sanchezs research at the same time it supported work on a much larger study on African Americans—Gunnar Myrdals classic An American Dilemma: The Negro Problem and Modern Democracy (New York, 1944). ^ Carlos Kevin Blanton, From Intellectual Deficiency to Cultural Deficiency: Mexican Americans, Testing, and Public School Policy in the American Southwest, 1920-1940, Pacific Historical Review, 72 (February 2003), 56-61 (quotations on p. 60). Sanchez, Forgotten People, 86. George I. Sanchez, History, Culture, and Education, in Julian Samora, ed.. La Raza: Forgotten Americans (Notre Dame, 1966), 1-26; Mario Garcia, Mexican Americans, 267-68. 576 THE JOURNAL OF SOUTHERN HISTORY published through the United States Indian Service a government study on Navajo problems called The People: A Study of the Navajos. ^^ In 1937-1938 Sanchez transferred his New Deal, reformist ideology across borders as a Latin American education expert with a prestigious administrative post in Venezuelas national government. Writing to Edwin R. Embree, director of the Julius Rosenwald Fund, Sanchez described his work as the chief coordinator of the countrys teachertraining program in familiar New Deal terms: the hardest task is breaking down social prejudices, traditional apathy, obstructive habits (political and personal) and in-bred aimlessness. His first program report was appropriately titled Release from Tyranny. ^ During World War II Sanchez was appointed to the Office of the Coordinator of Inter-American Affairs under Nelson A. Rockefeller, where he continued work on Latin American teacher-training programs as part of the war effort. Sanchez was deeply committed to progressive reform in Latin America that would lift educational and living standards. ^ Sanchez also took on African American issues. From 1935 to 1937 he worked as a staff member with the Chicago-based Julius Rosenwald Eund. This philanthropic organization was concerned with African American rural education in the South, and in this capacity Sanchez collaborated with Eisk Universitys future president, the eminent sociologist Charles S. Johnson, on preparing the massive Compendium on Southem Rural Life. Sanchez was listed in the studys budget as the highest-paid researcher for the 1936-1937 academic year with a $4,500 salary and a $2,000 travel budget. Sanchezs work with the Rosenwald Eund also involved numerous activities beyond his role as the groups pedagogical expert. In November and December 1936 he lobbied the Louisiana State Department of Education on behalf of a Dr. Sanchez Seeks Fulfillment of U. S. Promise to Navajos, Austin Daily Texan, November 16, 1946, in George I. Sanchez Vertical File (Center for American History, Austin, Texas; hereinafter this collection will be cited as Sanchez Vertical File and this repository as Center for American History); George I. Sanchez, The People: A Study of the Navajos ([Washington, D. C], 1948). ^ G. I. Sanchez to Edwin R. Embree, October 17, 1937, Folder 4, Box 127, Julius Rosenwald Fund Archives (Special Collections, John Hope and Aurelia Franklin Library, Fisk University, Nashville, Tennessee; hereinafter this collection will be cited as Rosenwald Fund Archives and this repository as Franklin Library) (quotation); Embree to Sanchez, October 29, 1937, ibid. Sanchezs work for the Instituto Pedagogico occurred just after its creation in 1936 during a brief liberal phase of Venezuelan politics. For more on its creation, see Judith Ewell, Venezuela: A Century of Change (Stanford, 1984), 75. Dave Cheavens, Soft-Spoken UT Professor Loaned to Coordinator of Latin-American Affairs, Austin Statesman, December 3, 1943, in Sanchez Vertical File; Texan Will Direct Training of Teachers, Dallas Morning News, November 3, 1943, ibid. ; George I. Sanchez, Mexican Education As It Looks Today, Nations Schools, 32 (September 1943), 23, ibid. ; George I. Sanchez, Mexico: A Revolution by Education (New York, 1936). WHITENESS AND MEXICAN AMERICAN CIVIL RIGHTS 511 Rosenwald teacher-training program and the broader issue of school equalization. Equalization had been the primary avenue of African American activism that culminated with the Gaines v. Canada decision of 1938, which mandated that the University of Missouri either admit a black law student or create a separate, equal law school for African Americans. Sanchez also lobbied in Washington, D. C. , in February 1937, consulting with the Progressive Education Association and various government agencies on Rosenwald projects. ^ As one of his duties on the compendium project, Sanchez studied rote learning for rural African American children who lived in homes lacking in formal education. This study was inspired by Charles Johnsons mentor at the University of Chicago, Robert E. Park. Johnson, Sanchez, and other young researchers such as famed historian Horace Mann Bond were to look at ways to educate populations handicapped by the lack of books and a tradition of formal education in the home. This venture was affiliated with the Tennessee Valley Authority and chiefly concerned with raising the cultural level of poor, rural African Americans more effectively than standard textbooks and pedagogies developed for privileged students in other parts of the country. The project aimed to equip teachers to integrate the knowledge which the school seeks to inculcate with the experiences of its pupils and with the tradition of the local community. Sanchezs comparable work with bilingual education in New Mexico and Latin America fit well within the scope of the new undertaking. ^ Sanchezs biggest project with the Rosenwald Fund was creating a well-recognized teacher-training program at the Louisiana Negro Normal and Industrial Institute at Grambling. Charles S. Johnson later described this Grambling teacher-training program as among the most progressive of the community-centered programs for the education of teachers in the country. He praised the Grambling endeavor for offering African American teachers opportunities for the development of creativeness and inventiveness in recognizing and solving * Charles S. Johnson to Edwin R. Embree, October 16, 1936, Folder 1, Box 333, Rosenwald Fund Archives; Embree to Johnson, October 23, 1936, and enclosed budget manuscripts Supplementary Budget on Rural Education Compendium and Rural School Exploration, Tentative Budget 1936-37, ibid. ; undated project time sheet [October 7, 1936 to April 27, 1937], Folder 3, Box 127, ibid. ; Numan V. Bartley, The New South, 1945-1980 (Baton Rouge, 1995), 15; Compendium on Southern Rural Life with Reference to the Problems of the Common School (9 vols. ; [Chicago? ], 1936). Charles S. Johnson to Edwin R. Embree, January 21, February 25, 1937, Folder 5, Box 335, Rosenwald Fund Archives; Johnson to Dorothy Elvidge, June 23, 1937, and study proposal by Robert E. Park, Memorandum on Rote Learning Studies, March 3, 1937, pp. 2 (first and second quotations), 3 (third quotation), ibid. Sanchez left shortly after the project began. 578 THE JOURNAL OF SOUTHERN HISTORY the problems to be found in rural communities, homes, and schools . . . .^Â ° Sanchez oversaw this project from its inception in September 1936 until he left for Venezuela in the middle of 1937. He set up the curriculum, the budgets, the specialized staff (nurses, agricultural instructors, home economists, and rural school supervisors), and equipment (the laboratory school and a bus for inspections). These duties involved close coordination with Grambling administrators, Louisiana health officials, and state education and agriculture bureaucrats. Difficulties arose due to Sanchezs departure. One Rosenwald employee summarized the programs problems, As long as George [Sanchez] was here he was the individual who translated that philosophy to the people at Grambling, and I am sure that you agree with me that he could do it far more effectively than the rest of us. But now that Sanchez [sic] is not here it is the job of the president of the institution to do both this interpretation and this stimulation. . . . I do not believe [President] Jones knows them. ^ Fisks Charles S. Johnson was elite company for Sanchez. Johnsons devastating attacks on southem sharecropping influenced public policy and garnered praise from President Franklin D. Roosevelt. He and others spurred the creation of Roosevelts Black Cabinet. ^^ Sanchez practiced a similar combination of academic research and social activism. When he began his work at Grambling he had recently lost his position in the New Mexico State Department of Education due to his pointed advocacy of reform as well as his penchant for hard-hitting, publicly funded academic research on controversial topics such as the segregation of Mexican Americans in schools. He had long sparked controversy with his research on racial issues. What especially limited ^Â ° Charles S. Johnson, Section 8—The Negro Public Schools, in Louisiana Educational Survey (7 vols, in 8; Baton Rouge, 1942), IV, 216 (first quotation), 185 (second quotation). A copy of this volume is in Folder 5, Box 182, Charles Spurgeon Johnson Papers (Franklin Library). ^ A. C. Lewis to G. I. Sanchez, October 14, 1936, Folder 13, Box 207, Rosenwald Fund Archives; Sanchez to Dr. R. W. Todd, September 28, 1936, ibid. \ Sanchez to Miss Clyde Mobley, September 28, 1936, ibid. ; Sanchez to J. W. Bateman, September 28, 1936, ibid. \ Sanchez to Lewis, September 28, 1936, ibid. ; Edwin R. Embree to Lewis, September 29, 1936, ibid. ; Sanchez to Lewis, September 30, 1936, ibid. ; Dorothy A. Elvidge to Lewis, November 27, 1936, ibid. ; Lewis to Sanchez, July 9, 1937, Folder 14, Box 207, ibid.; i. C. Dixon to Lewis, March 17, 1938, Folder 15, Box 207, ibid, (quotation on p. 2); Sanchez, The Rural Normal Schools TeacherEducation Program Involves . . . , September 17, 1936, Folder 16, Box 207, ibid. ; Sanchez, Suggested Budget—Grambling, April 9, 1937, ibid. ; Sanchez, Recommendations, December 9, 1936, ibid. ^^ John Egerton, Speak Now Against the Day: The Generation Before the Civil Rights Movement in the South (New York, 1994), 91-92; George Brown Tindall, The Emergence of the New South, ? 913-1945 (Baton Rouge, 1967), 543, 544 (quotation); Matthew William Dunne, Next Steps: Charles S. Johnson and Southem Liberalism, Journal of Negro History, 83 (Winter 1998), 10-11. WHITENESS AND MEXICAN AMERICAN CIVIL RIGHTS 579 Sanchezs future in New Mexico was a 1933 furor over his distribution of another scholars Thurstone scale (a psychometric technique developed in the 1920s) on racial attitudes to pupils in New Mexicos public schools. Governor Arthur Seligman publicly demanded that Sanchez be ousted and that the General Education Board (GEB) cancel the grant funding his position in the state bureaucracy. Partly due to the influence of New Mexicos U. S. senator Bronson Cutting, a progressive Republican champion of Mexican Americans, Sanchez survived an ugly public hearing that resulted in the resignation of the University of New Mexico faculty member who devised the scale. Nevertheless, the incident severely constrained Sanchezs future in the New Mexican educational and political arena. ^^ But Sanchez was not pushed into African American education simply out of desperation for employment. He appreciated the opportunities that the Rosenwald Fund provided to broaden his activism as a service intellectual beyond the Southwest. He was direct about this to his most ardent supporter. President James F. Zimmerman of the University of New Mexico: Im sorry the [Rosenwald] Fund is virtually prohibited from extending its interests and experiments into the Southwest. This is the only disappointment I feel in connection with my present work. I feel it keenly, however, as you know how deeply I am bound up with that area and its peoples. At the same time, though, being here has given me a wider viewpoint and experience that may well be directed at my first love sometime. Zimmerman was disappointed; he had groomed Sanchez for a faculty and administrative future at the University of New Mexico. Despite the uproar in 1933 Sanchezs talents were in high demand, however, as GEB agent Leo Favrot and Rosenwald director Edwin Embree coordinated which agency would carry Sanchezs salary with the New Mexico State Department of Education in early 1935 (GEB) and during a yearlong research project on Mexican higher education from 1935 to the middle of 1936 (Rosenwald Fund) until he joined the staff of the Rosenwald Fund on a full-time basis for his work at Grambling. ^* ^^ G. I. Sanchez to Leo M. Favrot, April 27 and May 11, 1933, Folder 900, Box 100, G.

Electronics :: essays research papers

Electronics The invention of the microprocessor in 1971 was a huge milestone that eventually changed everyone's everyday lives. This invention enabled the world to own a personal computer in their home as well as their office. People were able to work more efficiently and progressively with these new electronic devices.   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Electronics today provides the world with an infinite amount of information at a much faster speed than that information would ever have been available before. The American public is dependent on the usage of many electronics in their lives such as the television, audio receivers, and amplifiers to stay updated on world-wide issues. Electronics also provide a superior tool for progression in the business world today. Business people rely on electronics to communicate with each other faster and to store and quickly organize vast amounts of essential data.   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Electronics are improving at a blindingly fast rate. The newest technology from five years ago is literally obsolete today. Electronics are also being used for new purposes continuously. The Internet, or World Wide Web, is a relatively new concept of being â€Å"on-line†. This new project has opened a limitless number of doors for our society. Now anyone can use the Internet to communicate with anybody else in the world a lot faster and cheaper. Cellular phones have also appeared recently in the electronic world. These devices allow a person to be reached from practically anywhere. With cellular phones a person can, from then on, be in communication with the world no matter where they go.   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  For the next generation, electronics will certainly offer new yet simpler technology available to the general public. Home addresses and phone numbers will be replaced with Internet addresses. Business people will be able to have access to tools such as video conferencing and such in their homes. The workplace will ultimately become obsolete. Transportation vehicles will be dominated by electric cars as natural gas supplies decline around the globe. New procedures for creating power will be found and utilized. The current and upcoming advances in technology will create a steady rise of the progression of the everyday living experience.   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  I plan to enroll in a very prestigious university after high school and major in electrical engineering. I plan to contribute my time during my studies toward new possible designs of electronics and technology. I realize that innovative minds are the backbone of the direction technology will take and,

Fool Chapter 5

FIVE PITY THE FOOL Kent banished, Cordelia disinherited, the king having given away his property and power, but most important, my home, the White Tower; the two older sisters insulted by Kent, the dukes ready to cut my throat, well – getting a laugh might be a challenge. Royal succession, it seemed, would not be a prudent subject to broach, and I was lost for a transition to slapstick or pantomime after Lear's high drama, so Drool was but a millstone on comedy's neck. I juggled apples and sang a little song about monkeys while I pondered the problem. The king was, of late, leaning decidedly pagan, while the elder sisters favored the Church. Gloucester and Edgar were devout to the Roman pantheon, and Cordelia, well, she thought the whole lot was shit and England should have her own church with women in the clergy. Quaint. So the high-minded comedy of religious satire it would be†¦ I tossed my apples around the table and said, â€Å"Two popes are shagging a camel behind a mosque, when this Saracen comes up – â€Å" â€Å"There is only one, true pope!† shouted Cornwall, great tower of malignant smegma that he is. â€Å"It's a jest, you wanker,† said I. â€Å"Suspend fucking disbelief for a bit, would you?† He was right, in a way (although not for the purpose of the camel bit). For the last year there had only been one pope, in the holy city of Amsterdam. But for the prior fifty years there had been two popes, the Retail Pope and the Discount Pope. After the Thirteenth Holy Crusade, when it was decided that to avoid future strife, the birthplace of Jesus would be moved to a different city every four years, holy shrines lost their geographical importance. There arose a great price war in the Church, with shrines offering pilgrims dispensation at varying competitive rates. Now there didn't need to be a miracle declared on the spot; anywhere could basically be declared a holy site, and often was. Lourdes would still sell dispensation coupons with the healing waters – but also some bloke in Puddinghoe could plant some pansies and hawk, â€Å"Jesus had a wee right on this very spot when he was a lad – two pennies and a spliff of Cardiff chronic ‘ill get you out o' purgat ory for an eon, mate.† Soon a whole guild of low-priced shrine keepers around Europe named their own Pope – Boldface the Relatively Shameless, Discount Pope of Prague. The price war was on. If the Dutch pope would give you a hundred years out of purgatory for a shilling and a ferryman's ticket, the Discount Pope would let you out for two hundred years and send you home with the femur of a minor saint and a splinter of the True Cross. The Retail Pope would offer cheesy bacon toppings on the Host with communion and the Discount Pope would counter with topless-nun night for midnight mass. It came to a head, though, when St. Matthew appeared in a vision to the Retail Pope, telling him that the faithful were more interested in the quality of their religious experience, not just the quantity. Thus inspired, the Retail Pope moved Christmas to June when the weather wasn't so shit for shopping, and the Discount Pope, not realizing the game had changed, responded by forgiving hell altogether for anyone who gave a priest a hand job. Without hell, there was no fear, and without fear, there was no further need for the Church to supply redemption, and more important, no means for the Church to modify behavior. The Discount faithful defected in droves, either to the Retail branch of the Church, or to a dozen different pagan sects. Why not get pissed and dance naked around a pole all Sabbath if the worst of it was a rash on the naughty bits and the dropping of the odd bastard now and then? Pope Boldface was burned in a wicker man the next Beltane and cats shat in his ashes. So, yes, a two-pope joke was untimely, but fuck all, it was dire times, and I sallied forth, for a bit: â€Å"So the second pope says, ‘Your sister? I thought she was kosher?'† And no one laughed. Cordelia rolled her eyes and made a raspberry sound. The pathetic one-trumpet fanfare dribbled, the great doors were thrown open, and France and Burgundy ponced[20] into the hall followed by the bastard Edmund. â€Å"Silence, fool,† commanded Lear, with great superfluity. â€Å"Hail, Burgundy, hail, France.† â€Å"Hail, Edmund the bloody bastard!† said I. Lear ignored me and motioned for France and Burgundy to come before him. They were both fit, taller than me but not tall, a few years south of thirty. Burgundy had dark hair and the sharp features of a Roman. France, sandy hair and softer features. Each wore sword and dagger that I doubted had been ever drawn but for ceremony. Fucking frogs. â€Å"Lord Burgundy,† said Lear, â€Å"you have rivaled for the hand of our youngest daughter. What dowry do you require for her?† â€Å"No less than your highness has offered,† said the dark poofter. â€Å"Alas, that is no more, good Burgundy. What we offered, was offered when she was dear to us. Now she has roused our anger and betrayed our love and her dowry is nothing. If you want her as she is there, take her, but there will be no dowry.† Burgundy was stunned. He backed away, nearly stepping on France's feet. â€Å"I'm sorry, then, sir, but I must tend to property and power in my choice of duchess.† â€Å"She shall have neither,† said Lear. â€Å"So be it,† said Burgundy. He nodded, bowed, and stepped back. â€Å"I am sorry, Cordelia.† â€Å"No worry, sir,† said the princess. â€Å"If Burgundy's heart is wed only to property and power, then it could never be to me truly. Peace be with you.† I breathed half a sigh of relief. We might be driven from our home, but if Cordelia was driven out with us – â€Å"I'll take her!† said Edgar. â€Å"You will not, you blubbering, beetle-browed, dog-buggering dolt!† I may have accidentally exclaimed. â€Å"You will not,† said Gloucester, pushing his son back into his seat. â€Å"Well, I will have her,† said the Prince of France. â€Å"For she is a dowry in herself.† â€Å"Oh for fuck's sake!† â€Å"Pocket, that's enough,† said the king. â€Å"Guard, take him outside and hold him until our will is done.† Two yeomen stepped up behind me and seized me under the armpits. I heard Drool moan and looked over to see him cowering behind a column. This had never happened before – nothing like it. I was the all-licensed fool! I of all people could speak truth to power – I am chief cheeky monkey to the King of Bloody Britain! â€Å"You don't know what you're getting into, France. Have you seen her feet? Or perhaps that is your game, put her to work in the vineyards crushing wine grapes. Majesty, the poofter means to force servitude on her, mark my words.† But no one heard the last of it, the yeomen had dragged me from the room and held me in the hall outside. I sought to brain one with Jones but he caught the puppet stick and tucked him in his belt at the small of his back. â€Å"Sorry, Pocket,† said Curan, the captain of the guard, a grizzled bear in chain mail who held me by my right arm. â€Å"‘Twas a direct order, and you were fast cutting your throat with your own tongue.† â€Å"Not me,† said I. â€Å"He wouldn't hurt me.† â€Å"I'd have said he'd not banish his best friend or disown his favorite daughter before this night. Hanging a fool's an easy leap, lad.† â€Å"Aye,† said I. â€Å"You're right. Let me go, then.† â€Å"Not until the king's business is done,† said the old yeoman. The doors came open, fanfare trickled anemic through the portal, and out came the Prince of France, on his arm, Cordelia, radiant and wearing a grim smile. I could see her jaw clenched, but she relaxed when she saw me and some of the fire of anger left her eyes. â€Å"So, you're off with the frog Prince?† said I. France laughed at that, bloody buggering French fuck that he is. Is there anything so irritating as a noble who actually behaves nobly? â€Å"Yes, I am leaving, Pocket, but there is one thing you must always remember and never forget – â€Å" â€Å"Both at once?† â€Å"Shut up!† â€Å"Aye, milady.† â€Å"You must always remember, and you must never forget, that while you are the Black Fool, the dark fool, the Royal Fool, the all-licensed fool, and the King's Fool, you were not brought here to be those things. You were brought here to please me. Me! So when you put your titles aside, a fool still shall there reside, and now and forever, you are my fool.† â€Å"Oh my, you are going to do well in France – they hold unpleasantness to be a virtue.† â€Å"Mine!† â€Å"Now and forever, milady.† â€Å"You may kiss my hand, fool.† The yeoman released me and I bent to take her hand. She pulled it away, and turned, her gown fanning out around her as she walked away. â€Å"Sorry, having you on.† I smiled into the floor. â€Å"You bitch.† â€Å"I'll miss you, Pocket,† she said over her shoulder, and she hurried down the corridor. â€Å"Take me with you. Take us both with you. France, you could use a brilliant fool and a great lumbering bag of flatulence like Drool, couldn't you?† The prince shook his head, entirely too much pity in his eyes for my tastes. â€Å"You are Lear's fool, with Lear you shall stay.† â€Å"That's not what your wife just said.† â€Å"She will learn,† said the prince. He turned on his heel and followed Cordelia down the corridor. I started after them but the captain yanked me back by the arm. â€Å"Let her go, lad.† Next out of the hall came the sisters and their husbands. Before I could say anything the captain had clamped his hand over my mouth and was lifting me off my feet as I kicked. Cornwall made as to draw his dagger, but Regan pulled him away. â€Å"You've just won a kingdom, my duke, killing vermin is a servant's task. Leave the bitter fool stew in his own bile.† She wanted me. It was clear. Goneril would not look me in the eye, but hurried past, and her husband, Albany, just shook his head as he walked by. A hundred brilliant witticisms died suffocating on the captain's heavy glove. Thus muted, I pumped my codpiece at the duke and tried to force a fart, but my bum trumpet could find no note. As if the gods had sent down a dim and gaseous avatar to help me, Drool came next through the door, walking rather more straight than was his habit. Then I saw that someone had looped a rope around his neck, the noose fixed to a spear whose point was almost piercing Drool's throat. Edmund stepped into the corridor holding the other end of the spear, two men at arms flanking him. â€Å"The captain havin' a laugh with you, then, Pocket?† said Drool, innocent of his peril. The captain dropped me to my feet then, but held my shoulder to keep me from going at Edmund, whose father and brother passed behind him. â€Å"You were right, Pocket,† said Edmund, poking Drool a bit with the spear for emphasis. â€Å"Killing you would be enough to cement my unfavorable position forever, but a hostage – there's a mute I can use. I so enjoyed your performance in there that I prevailed upon the king to provide me with a fool of my own, and look at his gift. He'll be coming to Gloucester with us to assure that you don't forget your promise.† â€Å"You don't need the spear, bastard. He'll go if I ask him.† â€Å"Are we going on holiday, Pocket?† asked Drool, blood beginning to trickle down his neck then. I approached the giant. â€Å"No, lad,† said I. â€Å"You're going to go with the bastard here. Do as he says.† I turned to the captain. â€Å"Give me your knife.† The captain eyed Edmund and the men at arms beside him, who had hands on hilts. â€Å"I don't know, Pocket – â€Å" â€Å"Give me your bloody knife!† I whirled, pulled the knife from the captain's belt, and before the men at arms could draw I'd cut the rope around Drool's neck and pushed Edmund's spear aside. â€Å"You don't need the spear, bastard.† I handed the captain his knife and motioned for Drool to bend down so we were eye-to-eye. â€Å"I want you to go with Edmund and don't give him any trouble, you understand?† â€Å"Aye. You ain't comin'?† â€Å"I'll be along, I'll be along. I've business at the White Tower first.† â€Å"Shagging to be done?† Drool nodded so enthusiastically you could nearly hear his tiny brain rattling around his gourd. â€Å"I'll be helping, right?† â€Å"No, lad, but you'll have your own castle. You'll be the proper fool, won't you? There'll be all kinds of hiding and listening, Drool, do you understand what I'm saying, lad?† I winked, hoping against hope that the git would get my meaning. â€Å"Will there be heinous fuckery, Pocket?† â€Å"Aye, I think you can count on it.† â€Å"Smashing!† Drool clapped his hands and danced a little jig then, chanting, â€Å"Heinous fuckery most foul, heinous fuckery most foul – â€Å" I looked to Edmund. â€Å"You've my word, bastard. But you've also my word that if any harm comes to the Natural, I'll see to it that ghosts ride you into your grave.† A flash of fear showed in Edmund's eye then, but he fought it down and affected his usual swaggering smirk. â€Å"His life is on your word, little man.† The bastard turned and strutted down the corridor. Drool looked back, a big tear welling in his eye as he realized what was happening. I waved him on. â€Å"I'd have taken the other two if you'd dirked him,† said Curan. The other guard nodded in agreement. â€Å"Evil bastard was asking for it.† â€Å"Well, now you fucking tell me,† said I. Another guard hurried out of the hall then, and seeing it was only the fool with his captain, reported, â€Å"Captain, the king's food taster. He's dead, sir.† Three friends had I.

Energy Is Consumed At Alarming Rates - 1607 Words

Energy is consumed at alarming rates. While humanity has, and still is, received multiple signs the current rate at which humanity uses in unsustainable. Climate change and the increased green house gas emissions are indications that it is time to change the energy wasting habits that humanity has developed. Many of these habits include the monumental amount of energy spent on heating. In 2014, 41% of the U.S.’s total energy consumption stemmed from the heating of residential and commercial spaces.1 Significant amounts of this energy is wasted upon heating empty spaces and inanimate objects. Personal thermal management is a method that has been proposed and put into limited effect. Personal thermal management is managing one’s own temperature rather than wasting energy heating empty space.2 The personal thermal management system should be able to be worn, to maximize the conservation and use of heat for the individual using it. Hsu et. al.’s paper Personal Therm al Management by Metallic Nanowire-Coated Textile discusses the use of fabric coated in a mesh on nanowires.2 This coating of nanowires creates a conductive network that can reflect the heat that the body reflects because the nanowire mesh is so small that the heat that is reflected back rather than escaping through the fabric. Nanowire-coated fabrics also have the ability to conduct heat; giving them the ability to produce heat as well.2 This study compares the effectiveness in heat reflection, and conductivity ofShow MoreRelatedChildhood Obesity Is Becoming A Major Public Health Crisis Essay1375 Words   |  6 Pagesdigestive and cardiovascular diseases as compared to children who are lean (Dehghan, Akhtar-Danesh, Merchant, 2005). The alarming increase in the prevalence of childhood obesity in the United States can be attributed to several factors including diet, physical inactivity, and family influence. What are the causes of childhood obesity? 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